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We are currently going through an important period in the history of class struggle in Britain. The past seven years have been marked by a rapid politicisation of the working class and the masses, and a huge loss of credibility of the ruling class. The objective situation is increasingly compelling the masses to seek a way out of the gradually more unstable living conditions and the resumption of the struggle in the North of Ireland. The economic crisis is deepening and getting more out of control, forcing the imperialist state to transfer the crisis to the countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, while tightening the living conditions for the working class and resorting to more suppressive measures in this country.
Today, in many sections of the mass movements, especially among the advanced, there is a strong desire to find correct answers for many fundamental questions that class struggle has brought to the fore. For example, why have some sections of the anti-globalisation and anti-war movements not developed into a revolutionary movement? Why could such a massive anti-war movement not stop the ruling class attacking and occupying Iraq? Why has a movement against the war on Afghanistan not developed? Why has the just struggle in the North of Ireland for independence against the British state, with the so-called peace process been disregarded? Why has the intensification of suppression of the people, particularly the Moslem and Black youth, been overlooked?
In the 1970s there were nearly two million workers involved only in the coal industry, and industrial workers constituted an important part of the work force in this country. Also, the working class movement, especially, the trade union movement, despite its reformist leadership, was a considerable force. However, since then, a massive shift has taken place in the society. The coal industry has disappeared, and many industries have largely closed down or been transferred to China, India and other countries. The trade union movement has lost its former strength.
The composition of the working class has also considerably changed. Today, a large number of the lowest strata of the working class are immigrants. In addition to exploitation, these workers are continuously subjected to racism in their workplaces and deliberately segregated, preventing their integration with the society. The population of illegal immigrant workers is estimated at nearly one million. These workers are deprived of basic human and legal rights and many live in wretched conditions. They are however, an essential part of the monopoly capitalist economy producing super-profits for the housing, food and many service industries.
Since 1979, the Conservative and Labour governments have pursued privatisation of the housing sector. Before the emergence of the economic crisis in 2008, this policy led to a substantial reduction in the supply of social housing. A huge privately owned renting sector was created, and a large number of unemployed and low income workers, who were deprived of the possibility of a council house, were placed in accommodation provided by the Housing Association, or faced high rents for poor quality accommodation in privately owned houses. However, the middle and upper strata of the middle class, and especially the rich have continuously amassed more houses.
In fact, the monopoly capitalist system has never been able to meet the working class need for housing. There were an estimated 870,000 empty homes and empty commercial properties to create 420,000 new homes, while the speculation hugely increased the value of houses to unaffordable levels. Deregulation of the provision of mortgages pushed a large number of working class families into a downward spiral of debt. Overproduction, rampant speculation, raging rise in house prices and inability to payback the mortgages, as well as huge investments in construction projects, especially those linked with the US investments, led to the housing crisis in Britain.
Privatisation has also created a two-tier system in education and health, where the rich, as well as the upper and the middle strata of the middle class are provided with exceptional services. However, despite an enormous budget allocated for health, the lower strata of the middle class, and especially, the working class, suffer from improper medical care, because of Hospital Trusts and other profit driven services. Millions of working class pensioners, who have contributed to the society during the most of their lives, suffer most, and simply because they cannot afford to heat their homes, thousands die every winter.
In the education system the situation is even worse. Illiteracy and innumeracy have become important issues for the working class children and their parents. Universities have become huge businesses to keep hundreds of thousands of working class youth busy with many useless courses, striving to get many worthless certificates. Moreover, students get entangled in a vicious accumulation of debt, which must be paid back over many years of their adult lives. In general, during the last thirty years, all major ruling class parties in Britain have contributed to the extensive privatisation and diminishing of the welfare system.
The dominant culture in Britain is an ideological reflection of the politics and economy of the monopoly capitalist system, and in general is the synthesis of the material and spiritual values of the imperialist system, in this country. The politics and economy of the ruling imperialist class shapes the culture of this country, the culture of an oppressor nation. Also this culture strengthens the politics and the economy of this imperialist system.
Getting rich quickly, soft porn and violence are the most important common factors among all these sectors, affecting the working class and demeaning women in particular. In fact, the moribund finance capital dominating the economy has not only facilitated the collapse of the manufacturing and the mining industries, but by continuous promotion of the abovementioned sectors, it has created an increasingly parasitic society in Britain.
It is true that the working class and the masses in this country also benefit from plundering wealth of the so-called third world countries, and consequently, their living standard is generally much higher than billions of workers and peasants in those countries. But, this living standard has become increasingly more dependent on the circulation of the moribund finance capital, which itself has major inherent contradictions, irresolvable within the framework of the capitalist system, and prone to crisis. Today, the condition of the working class in Britain is becoming increasingly more unstable and moving on a downward spiral path.
Today, we, political activists in Britain, are suffering from many serious shortcomings. For example, a lack of comprehensive knowledge about the objective situation, disunity and also separation from the masses. It is important to realise that ignoring the objective and the subjective situations, and the particularities of this country, have dominated all our practical work. Moreover, this situation has continued for a long time without developing any coherent theoretical conception of the condition of the working class.
It is true that the most important task for the political activists in this country is to take the steps necessary towards building a genuine unity. However, we cannot ignore the fact that the existing level of our political consciousness has resulted in our disunity as well as separation from the working class and the masses. And without synthesising our old way of thinking and rupturing from it, we will be yet again compelled to work in isolation. Therefore, we need to go through a process of unity-struggle-transformation. 781b155fdc