The Tide Of Nationalism Book
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While the Correa government considered the international financial system, foreign corporations, domestic oligarchs and corrupt political parties as the major political and economic enemies of radical resource nationalism, deepening fiscal dependency on expansive extractive activities led to escalating political division between the Correa government and indigenous, campesino, environmental, labour and feminist social movements. Many activists within these movements condemned the rapacious exploitation of nature and the subordination of indigenous communities. Their articulation of anti-extractivism advocates for an alternative form of economy surpassing the very concept of development in both capitalism and socialism.
Riofrancos presents radical resource nationalism and anti-extractivism as diametrically opposed with little room for compromise. She further asserts in the Conclusion that the disputes dividing the Ecuadorian Left epitomise two major dilemmas underlying the Pink Tide. First, from the position of leftist governments, they have struggled to balance achieving economic equality and avoiding deepening economic dependency. Second, from the position of social movements, they have found it difficult to protest against leftist governments whose avowed goals align with their longstanding demands.
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The Lure of Economic Nationalism addresses an important topic, namely, the continued appeal of economic nationalism. It places economic nationalism in both historical and contemporary contexts. It begins with a historical consideration of mercantilism and the writings of Friedrich List, considering both from multiple perspectives in economic history and policy and international relations. It then turns to the political psychology of zero-sum thinking, its role as a heuristic device but also its significant limitations.
The book considers both the aggressive trade policy of the Trump Administration in the United States and the Brexit process in the United Kingdom. It also advocates for the alternative to economic nationalism in the form of a rules-based, multilateral trading system and the World Trade Organization. It argues that going beyond zero-sum outcomes is better suited to address current problems. It considers the rising tides of ethnonationalism and the alternative of civic nationalism. It even addresses economic nationalism in the recent COVID-19 pandemic and multilateral approaches to pandemic preparedness.
Some see in these trends harbingers of revived Fascism. Not so, Tamir. While alert to the dangers of chauvinistic and xenophobic forms of nationalism, she is no less aware of what she persuasively argues are the manifold social benefits that moderate forms of nationalism confer on present-day liberal democracies whose viability depends on their populaces possessing sufficient mutual concern to be willing to sustain their generous public welfare and educational systems needed to prevent their descent into anarchy. A sense of common nationality supplies the appropriate social glue.
For Tamir, however, the reason present-day states should foster nationalistic ardour in their citizens goes beyond economics and political expediency. In a world bereft of religion, she argues, only nationalism can provide people today with suitable meaning-conferring linkages to orders of being more permanent and larger than their transitory narrow selves, and without which they are liable to fall victim to enervating forms of anomie and alienation.
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Ahmed vastly underpins the Muslim Bengali nationalism. He points out how the harmonious orientation between Hindu and Muslim relations existed before the British took control of the region. However, among Muslims of both the undivided India and the united Pakistan there was virtually no sense of unity. Because of the divide and rule policy of the British rulers, the Muslims were relatively backward than the Hindus because they could not readily accept the Western culture. Extreme Hindu nationalism and the biased behavior of the foreign administrators left Muslims remain right where they were and uneducated even.
Because of its discriminatory acts, the popularity of the Muslim League declined in the eastern part of Pakistan and so, the Awami League immediately was able to capture the mindset of the population of this region. From the 1952 Language Movement onwards, Bengali nationalism began to flourish and people of East Pakistan launched into a struggle to achieve independence. In 1971, finally, the East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) became independent through a bloody war prompted by the unique leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Father of our nation. But, after Bangabandhu's assassination, the military-turned rulers took an exclusive stance and transformed \"Bengali nationalism\" into \"Bangladeshi nationalism\" since the term \"Bengali\" would also include Indian Bengalis. Considering the Arab nation that spreads over West Asia and North Africa and which contains several countries with different political identities, S. Ahmed criticizes this move.
This thought-stimulating book is such an enjoyable read that any reader can easily comprehend the author's ideas. It also incorporates the actual contexts which introduced various socio-cultural changes in South Asia and at the same time recognizes that nationalism can be good for the repressed and underprivileged population.
In my understanding, the author has brought his nationalist elements from professor Benedict Anderson's most acclaimed book on the origin of nationalism, Imagined Communities. Strictly speaking, Ahmed uses some ambiguous ideas on nationalism; for instance, he believes that religion and language cannot be the basis of nationalism. But in reality it was language that inspired Bengali nationalism. Besides, he also seems to belittle the efforts of the Hindus by monopolizing the phrase \"Bengali Muslim nationalism.\"
A much-needed contribution to the debate over extractivist development models and the ability of leftist governments in Latin America to transform them Steve Ellner and his contributors demonstrate how state-directed policies of resource nationalism differ from those of neoliberal extractivism, and they examine the implications of these policies for the environment, social welfare, and indigenous rights.The book is essential reading for anyone who seeks to understand how states have experimented with alternative models of economic development in Latin America, even within the constraints of global capitalism.
The authors successfully demonstrate that not all extractivist models are the same by looking at the connections between resource nationalism and social and economic politics. It will be an excellent addition to courses in Latin American Political Economy.
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The Soviet Union was the first of Europe's multiethnic states to confront the rising tide of nationalism by systematically promoting the national consciousness of its ethnic minorities and establishing for them many of the institutional forms characteristic of the modern nation-state. In the 1920s, the Bolshevik government, seeking to defuse nationalist sentiment, created tens of thousands of national territories. It trained new national leaders, established national languages, and financed the production of national-language cultural products.This was a massive and fascinating historical experiment in governing a multiethnic state. Terry Martin provides a comprehensive survey and interpretation, based on newly available archival sources, of the Soviet management of the nationalities question. He traces the conflicts and tensions created by the geographic definition of national territories, the establishment of dozens of official national languages, and the world's first mass \"affirmative action\" programs. Martin examines the contradictions inherent in the Soviet nationality policy, which sought simultaneously to foster the growth of national consciousness among its minority populations while dictating the exact content of their cultures; to sponsor national liberation movements in neighboring countries, while eliminating all foreign influence on the Soviet Union's many diaspora nationalities. Martin explores the political logic of Stalin's policies as he responded to a perceived threat to Soviet unity in the 1930s by re-establishing the Russians as the state's leading nationality and deporting numerous \"enemy nations.\" 1e1e36bf2d